Cinematic tourism: Definitions
It
has been noted that especially over the last couple of decades, an increasing
number of tourists began to visit destinations featured through films or TV
series which are not directly related to tourism promotion campaigns. Many
tourists also began to form tourist fan communities online and in filmed
locations. This mass phenomenon is known by different terms, including
‘cinematic tourism’, ‘film-induced tourism’, or ‘movie-induced tourism’. All
these terms forge links between tourism in new blended forms (e.g. visiting
filmed locations to experience the cinematic story and to learn about the
filmed location and its culture, or simultaneously engage in other types of
tourism) and a particular medium (cinema and film).
Cinematic
and film/movie-induced tourism are both interdisciplinary academic subjects and
emerging agendas for business and policy-making concerning the management if
tourist destination images and reputations. Although film-induced tourism is
more connected to business studies rather than social science theory, it is by
no means conceptually irrelevant to sociologists and tourist theorists. By the
same token, although cinematic tourism traces its roots in social and cultural
theory, it is practically applicable in business and management studies and
state policies. Both terms, and especially that of cinematic tourism, are
concerned with contemporaneous types of tourism we associate with the dawn of
the 21st century and are connected to advanced forms of technology
such as cinema and the Internet. Their chronological anchoring presents
cinematic and film-induced tourism as part of late modernisation processes and the
era of late modernity or postmodernity.
Cinematic
tourism is a phenomenon connected to globalisation: not only does it presuppose
particular forms of technological advancement (in old and new media), it also
promotes tourist connectedness, cultural hybridisation as well as economic
mergers and development. (Post)modernisation processes (including
industrialisation, technological progress, automobilisation and urbanisation)
enabled the growth of entertainment industry and international travel (Hudson
& Ritchie, 2006b). At the same time, they suggested the convergence of
tourist and media businesses located in different parts of the world and
operating independently from each other. Let us not forget that not only do
cinematic narratives tend to romanticise communities and landscapes, they are
also themselves industrial products of the city, which is a major outcome of
late modernity. Cinematic tourism builds on such romanticisations,
disseminating particular ideas and practices to every part of the world.
Scholarly debates
As
noted above, terminological precision determines emphasis in the content of
academic studies. For example, Tzanelli (2004, 2007, 2013) prefers the term
‘cinematic tourism’ and ‘cinematic tourist’, arguing that these
Are
not uniform conceptual tools, but theoretical models internally differentiated
by the moves and motions of travel through and after film, as well as the
cinematic production of travel and tourism.The Hollywood model of the tourist
exists within cinematic texts, in the movies that we watch: it suggests ways of
consuming places, enjoying and “investing in” (for educational purposes) our
holiday time. At the same time, touring through cinematic images produces a
second type of tourist who uses the power of imagination to explore the world.
This version of the tourist corresponds to the movie viewer, who “reads” and
consumes film. The surplus meaning of a film enables audiences to travel
virtually, to experience the filmed locations at a distance: thus the impulse
to visit these locations originates in the imaginary journey on the screen. A
third version of the ‘cinematic tourist’ is created when a tourist industry is
established in filmed locations, through the products that tourist industries
offer when they exploit the film’s potential to induce tourism. There is also a
fourth type of cinematic tourist that completes the imagined journey of movie
watchers. This is the tourist in the flesh, who visits places because they
appeared in films, and whose experience of travel may be influenced by film and
the attractions that the tourist industry has to offer. The interdependency of
these types is not fixed: filmed locations are also visited by tourists who
never watched movies and watching a movie will not necessarily result in
visiting the filmed place’ (Tzanelli 2007/2010: 2-3).
Tzanelli
therefore builds a theoretical and analytical model that includes a variety of
cinematic tourists such as
1. Cinematic
actors/agents
2. Film
characters
3. Film
audiences
4. Web surfers
of cinematic stories (for example, users and visitors of official film websites
but also users of other tourist websites linked to the film that inspired
tourist visits)
5. Visitors of
filmed locations
She
further explains that different types of tourism and tourists are condensed in
‘cinematic tourism’, and that not all of them are covered by the ‘film-induced
tourism’ model.
•
Representations and simulations of
tourist mobilities within cinematic texts (heroes
in film as tourists)
•
The act and performance of film
viewing and interpretation (by audiences)
•
Virtual travels and constructions
of ‘tourist’ online (web surfers for relevant films,
Internet business)
•
Film viewing that transforms into
embodied visits of the cinematic stage (fans visiting
filmed sites)
•
Film acting and directing as part
of model (location-hunting, embodied presence in
filmed sites) (Tzanelli, Tourism and Culture
SLSP2160, 2012)
This
typology highlights the complexity of global cultural industries and the ways
in which different industries (tourism, media and film) may converge. Such
contingent, loose connections are termed ‘sign industries’ (Tzanelli 2004, 2007/2010)
– that is, industries promoting business through groups of signs that acquire
the same meaning (e.g. The Lord of the Rings (2001-3) cinematic
trilogy or the Harry Potter Films)
are connected and marketed in relation to particular places (New Zealand,
England) and foster particular tourist rituals (e.g. visiting filmed sites,
buying film and music products, or the original literature on which films are
based as part of the cinematic myth). Hence, sign industries participate in the
creation and modification of collective and individual imaginations (of film
audiences and tourists, but also the filmed localities, nations and
nation-states).
Tzanelli’s
models of cinematic tourism and the sign industries are connected to John
Urry’s (2002; Urry and Larsen 2011) conception of the ‘tourist gaze’, which is
by turn inspired by Michel Foucault’s poststructuralism. For Urry there are
systematic ways of ‘seeing’ tourist destinations that are rooted in Western
occulocentric (= visually centred) practices, and which produce discourses of modernity.
Hence, visual culture is for Urry essential for the construction of the tourist
experience as much as it contributes to the maintenance and expansion of
tourism as an organized system of leisure. Though Tzanelli regards the visual
as essential component of cinematic tourist imaginations she also stresses the
significance of other senses in the production of film (audiences and fans),
virtual (web surfers) and actual (visitors of filmed locations) tourisms (see
Tzanelli 2013).Her other emphasis on hyperreality, which is borrowed by
Baudrillard’s conception of simulacra and simulation, is also shared with other
sociologically orientated scholars, such as Stijn Reijnders (2011a &
2011b), who studied the multimedia character of tourism connected to
blockbusters and popular films and TV series such as Inspector Morse, Dracula, The Lord of the Rings or The Da Vinci Code.
Other
new research on cinematic or media tourism suggests that tourism institutions
connected to national centres or regional and global business networks must pay
closer attention to the rituals and practices of cinematic tourists: Peaslee
(2010, 2011) investigated the experience of visitors to the ‘Hobbiton’
(Matamata) location site in New Zealand that was included in the production of The Lord of the Rings films. Peaslee,
who stands between Tzanelli’s emphasis on media structures and tourist agency
and Reijnder’s emphasis on tourist experiences, developed a thesis from
Couldy’s (2003) work on media centres and bounded spaces that he applied to his
fieldwork in New Zealand. After participant observation of several tours of the
Hobbiton attraction and in-depth interviews with visitors and guides, he
concluded that attitudes toward and behaviours within this tourist attraction
are indicative of an embodied assent to a particular kind of media power.
Tourists and tourist hosts in Hobbiton (Matamata) must be examined as actors
responding to a repeating discursive structure that, by creating boundaries and
sanctifying spaces, canalizes attitudes, behaviour, and movement.
‘Film-induced
tourism’ demarcates a narrower subject area than ‘cinematic tourism’. Beeton’s
(2005: 5-8) definition refers to the ways historically tourism borrowed from
artistic uses of the picturesque (an idea originating in Seaton’s [1998]
analysis of visual media and tourism) and contemporary creation of tourist
markers for the development of tourism in filmed sites (a comment originating
in MacCannell’s [1989] consideration of staged authenticity in tourist
settings). Beeton is concerned about the impact of tourism can have on
localities. She argues that ‘tourism carries with it the seeds of its own destruction’
(Beeton 2005: 12) because it can lead to environmental degradation and
community disintegration. Debating the problem from a destination-marketing
point of view, Beeton argues for organized and sustainable development
strategies These preliminary observations are also relevant to Tzanelli’s
‘cinematic tourism’ model, but their empirical analyses differ, with Beeton
being more geared towards marketing imperatives and less on critical theory.
All the same, the study of both concepts is compatible rather than adversarial.
An
example of film-induced tourism would be travelling to New Zealand because of
the desire to see the movie sets and landscapes featured in The Lord of the Rings movies (Tzanelli
2004; Beeton 2005; Roesch 2009).Though early studies of this phenomenon
highlighted the enhancement of memories of location and film experiences through
associations with the films’ actors, events and setting (Riley & Van Doren,
1992), scholars did not examine actors and directors as ‘tourists’. Film-induced
tourism was defined solely in terms of tourist visits to destination featured
on television, video, or films (Beeton, 2005; Hudson & Ritchie,
2006a). Otherwise put, travellers in
search of filmed sights are film-induced tourists (Butler, 1990; Busby &
Klug, 2001). Butler (1990) suggested that ‘films can influence the travel
preference of those who expose to the destination attributes and create a
favourable destination image through their representation’ (Rewtrakunphaiboon, 2009:
2). Hence, film-induced tourism tends to focus on the ways marketing efforts
and previous travel influence destination choice by rationalising individual
decision-making processes (Iwashita, 2003; Iwashita, 2006). It is not
coincidental that film-induced tourism is methodologically connected to social
disciplines such as psychology that measure decision-making variables of less
importance in disciplines such as sociology and anthropology, which focus on
collective action.
Impacts, benefits and consequences
There
is a stream of film-induced tourism studies that ascertain the impact of
cinematic and digital cultures on people’s perceptions of place and culture.
For example, O’Connor (2010) argues that since young people spend much of their
leisure time watching TV or surfing the Internet, this exposure will have an
impact on their perception of certain destinations. Sellgren (2011) also
claimed that the movie Lost in Translation led to a positive image of Japan in
the minds of the students who had participated in a discussion round about this
movie. Such studies connect to earlier media theory that infers consequences
from supposed causes (e.g. hypodermic model). In any case, they contribute less
to understandings of collective social action and to tourism theory. A more
amenable example is provided by Croy’s (2011) investigation of the role of film
in broader tourist decision making, and the influence and management of this
process. Croy (2011) highlights the use of film images to align potential
tourists to the destination’s ideal image. Like others, he argues that films
influence activities and routes when at the destination (Macionis and Sparks,
2009). Whereas he claims that films are incidental in the production of tourist
industries, they are a tourist activity and contribute to regional economies
(Croy and Buchmann, 2009).
The
impact on regional and national economies and cultures is significant. As
Tzanelli (2004; 2007: chapter 3; 2013: chapter 2) explains, not only did The
Lord of the Rings revamp New Zealand’s cultural profile as the ‘New Middle
Earth’ (rather than a peasant country, it also generated urban tourist and
media traffic from the U.S. and the U.K. while strengthening the ties between
New Zealand’s artistic leadership (LOTR
director Peter Jackson) and other transnational artists (e.g. Guillermo del
Toro’s involvement in the Hobbit trilogy) and creative urban centres (e.g. LA
acting as a Hobbit media hub). In
addition, (hosted) journalists’ reports on filming locations, and the
well-known actors and directors prompted to report on their location
experiences (Croy, 2011: 162). Generally, film-induced and cinematic tourism
can revitalise regional/rural communities and increase tourism to urban centres,
with Auckland as an example in point (Beeton 2005). An interest in the nation
and its positive image can eventually lead to an actual visit to the country as
is the case with the increased Japanese interest in touring the UK (Iwashita,
2006). In addition one may argue that cinematic tourism has become one of the
all-weather attractions that counter problems of seasonality in the tourism
industry, as is the case with some filmed Australian rural areas (Beeton,
2004).
The
environmental benefits and problems connected to cinematic tourism are many.
There is no doubt that film can act as a sort of knowledge repository for
certain aspects of the country such as nature: the natural beauty of filmed
landscapes increases the cultural value for the film location. However,
especially protected natural destinations can be damaged by filming or be
deemed to be ‘in danger’ of destruction. Whereas such fears are not always
true, they can act as activist trigger that obstructs both the development of
the filmed region and the reputation of the state to which this belongs. One
such example is the film The Beach
(2000, director Danny Boyle), which was used by Internet tourist providers for
the promotion of Thailand as a travel destination. Various environmentalist
groups highlighted that the adaptation became complicit in the advertising of
the country as an ‘Edenic destination’ for
Westerners.
This was achieved through the organisation of protests when 20th Century Fox
decided
to ‘conform’ the area in which the movie was filmed (Phi Phi Leh of Krabi area)
to
images
of tropical tourist paradises. What was obscured in this case was the
problematic political environment in which film industries had to operate:
coerced to negotiate with a state that invited foreign capital but paid little
attention to local development, not aware of the areas’ racist histories of
migration, and assuming the role of stereotypical Western outsiders, resulted
in their scapegoating by activists (Tzanelli, 2006). The events seemed to have
acted as a learning experience for the artistic contingent, with Boyle
especially becoming implicated in beneficial community development projects in
the context of his later film, Slumdog
Millionaire (2009).
It
must be noted that, increasingly, artistic communities become implicated in
such projects even independently from – if not against - any tourist
imperatives. In search of interesting locales to photograph for the forthcoming
film Avatar (2009, director James
Cameron), computer generating image professionals stumbled upon the tribes of
the Amazonian rainforest whose culture and livelihood face extinction due to a
government-backed multibillion project to build the Belo Monte Dam. ‘Director
Cameron, producer Jon Landau, and the crew joined forces with anthropologists,
tribesmen, regional, and (trans)national activists to cancel these plans. […]
Cameron himself appears in one open-access video —promotional of his relevant
documentary—confessing that he always wanted to travel to Brazil’s virgin
territories (A Message from Pandora, n.d.). Elsewhere, he is depicted amongst
indigenous populations like Avatar’s
soldier Jake or an ethnographic traveller-investigator, uncovering evidence of
coordinated crimes against localities. Avatar
actor Sigourney Weaver’s video adopts a humanitarian style (Amazon Watch,
2011), prompting viewers to sympathize with the cause.’ (Tzanelli 2013b: 2). Such
initiatives clash with tourist growth of regions in the name of humanitarian or
environmental causes – only this time, the architects are not the localities
but artistic leaders.
Film
tourism is a medium that communicates a wide range of cultural meanings and
values tied to filmed lands and venerated national artefacts. There is no doubt
that heritage sites serving as film locations gain popularity after the film
(Busby & Klug, 2001). However, once a heritage site becomes part of the
cinematic and tourist imaginary, conflicts may arise. ‘Heritage sites’
incorporated in films, include both tangible (architecture, monuments and
museum artefacts) and intangible tokens (histories, literatures and ideas).
Again, both localities and nation-states may react to such cultural
‘intrusions’ in varied ways. For example, the cinematic adaptation (2001) of Captain Corelli’sMandolin, a novel by
Louis de Bernières, was met with various responses in the filmed places of the
Greek island of Kefalonia (Tzanelli 2003; Tzanelli 2007/2010: chapter 4). Like
the novel, the film was set against the historical background of the Greece’s
Axis Occupation, ‘the operation of Greek Resistance, and civil strife between
the Greek communist fighters of EAM/ELAS (National Liberation Front/Greek
People’s Liberation Army) and anti-communist forces’ (Tzanelli 2003: 220).
While generating instant tourist traffic, with Hollywood fans flocking in to
see the filming and the actors, and also subsequent tourist visits to its
beaches, its natural areas and the Second World War Memorial to the fallen
Italian soldiers, local communist veterans felt offended by this
commercialisation and the town of Sami responded negatively to the culture
industry with protests and supplications to human rights institutions to ban
this ‘plundering’ of heritage (also Tzanelli 2007/2010: chapter 4).
The
response was different when My Life in
Ruins/Driving Aphrodite (2009, director Donald Petrie) was shot in the
Acropolis. ‘The idea of “hard bargaining” defined the actions of Greece’s
powerful Archaeological Council (KAS) in 2006-7, when Greek-Canadian actress
Vardalos managed to obtain permission to shoot her new comedy […] Since the
1960s, when the The Guns of Navarone
and Zorba the Greek used Rhodes and
Crete as backdrops, no major film was shot in the country. The fact that recent
Hollywood blockbusters Troy, Alexander the Great and 300 (all
related to Hellenic history) were filmed elsewhere has to do with Greek
anti-Americanism dating back to the junta (1967-74) and the lack of tax
alleviations the government was prepared to give to filmmakers. Yet, […]
despite Greek warnings that no ancient stone should be moved and no cinematic
enhancement should be made to the archaeological site, Vardalos’ enterprise was
supported by the Ministers of Culture and Tourism and the Greek Film Centre
whose website today proudly hosts photos of the shooting (see H.F.C.O.
website)’ (Tzanelli, 2008; Tzanelli, 2013a: chapter 4).
The
uses of tangible and intangible heritage in films that induce tourism
inevitably tap on questions of propriety or even public morality, as is the
case with The Da Vinci Code cinematic
adaptation (2006, director Ron Howard) of Dan Brown’s novel. The film came to
operate as a ‘node’ for European capitalist networks of corporeal and virtual
travel, assisting in the production of a new type of commercialised ‘pilgrim’
that democratised tourism to old heritage sites in Europe (Tzanelli, 2010).
There were however reactions to such trends both by the French public and even
Catholic constituencies that objected to the uses of religion in the story
(Tzanelli, 2013a: 63-93). Therefore, careful planning is necessary both for the
selection of projected filmed landscapes and the granting of permissions to
film them. The same caution applies to tourism business that capitalises on
sich commercialised pilgrimages: for example, an ethnographic study of James Bond tourism by Reijnders (2010)
suggests that such consumptions of cinematic plots might become interwoven with
patriarchal notions of masculinity, as visiting filmed sites allows fans to
embody glamorised understandings of manliness.
Sociological
and anthropological studies of this intersection between tourism and cinema are
work in progress. Graml (2004) has shown for example that the budding Sound of Music tourism in Austria in
places such as Salzburg is treated with suspicion by locals who dissuade
visitors from joining independent tours to filmed locations when in America
Austrianness is defined by such films. While most Austrians presumably concede
that Sound of Music tourism is important for the country’s GDP, they consider
the film to be a typical product of Hollywood cinema that, unfortunately,
manages to drown out the real Austrian heritage embodied by Mozart. In the
Greek island of Skiathos that served together with the neighbouring Skopelos as
the cinematic stage for the musical Mama
Mia! (2008), there is an uneasy coexistence of local and national
traditions and the tourism that is attached to them on the one hand, and
postmodern simulations of the musical’s story on the other. Tzanelli (2011)
suggests that this informs generational dissonance (with younger entrepreneurs
more amenable to cinematic tourism) but also the ubiquitous disconnection of
peripheral areas from the national centre that for structural reasons fails to
support local development, allowing regional rivalries to grow. In this
respect, ‘cinematic tourism’ is never limited to academic and scholarly
scrutiny but informs practices and policies of national and transnational
institutions such as UNESCO.
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